OF PIGS, STRAY BULLETS AND TERRORISTS: THE MUSEVENI VOCABULARY
In George Orwell’s allegory of the Animal Farm, Napeleon, Snowball and Squealar in the character of pigs lead a revolution against the human owner of the farm, Mr. Jones whom they accuse of incompetence and unfairness. Napoleon, the figurehead of the Revolution who at the start rallies the rest of the farm animals into a revolution around justice and equity, fast degenerates in totalitarianism, sipping wine and sleeping on beds. Even with these, the rest of the animals labor hard on the false promise of heated stalls and electric light. They stay obedient to Napoleon and his kin even as their conditions continue deteriorating to that which is worse than that to which Mr. Jones had subjected them.
The Russian Revolution, for which Orwell symbolizes in Animal Farm, is akin to the 1980 Uganda liberation war for which, Napoleon (Museveni), and the his kin rally the majority ignorant and less educated masses (the other farm animals) against Mr. Jones (Obote) on the promise of Justice . These promises keep the masses loyal and obedient to him and his kin, ignorant of his grand plan to completely cripple the little left behind by previous governments: the cooperative unions, banks, transport systems and social amenities among others.
Following the assassination of top government officials, Museveni continuously refers to the assassins as pigs. In contrast, when opposition leaning citizens are shot dead by known security apparatus, they are either referred to as terrorists or if they are lucky dead, then their death is blamed on stray bullets. Considering word use, one would be mistaken to assume that Museveni and his henchmen are not careful with how they craft their statements to drive their point home.
Drawing from the Animal Farm Scenario, is it right to conclude that from within the pigs, greed, and incompetence is pitting them against each other, and Napoleon is putting up a case before the other farm animals that he is still in charge even when he is visibly not? Of the stray bullets, does it only target animals that are opposed to the ways of Napoleon?
When will Boxer come to his senses that however hard he attempts to please Napoleon, he is not a pig, and will be subjected to the stray bullet when the his usefulness ceases? Who is the terrorist in this instance? Its use is selective, depending on which side of the bed Napoleon wakes up: it could be a rebellious pig who has disagreed on the share of the loot, or a farm animal mobilizing for the next liberation.
When? may be the question, what’s for certain is that the pigs are not having it easy with the other farm animals continuously getting enlightened on the false promises of Napoleon and his men.
Ugandans and friends of Uganda beseech you and the entire management of the International Monetary Fund to decline approving the proposed $1 billion ECF to Uganda due to its long-standing failure to account for public funds. In addition, the Ugandan regime is now considered illegitimate by most Ugandans.
On January 14, 2021, dictator Museveni lost a Presidential election — 54.19% to 34.83% per independent tallies — to principal challenger, Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu (aka Bobi Wine), though Museveni’s handpicked electoral commission declared him winner. The fraudulent declaration is currently being challenged in the East African Court of Justice with supporting evidence that was declined by a partisan Uganda Supreme Court.
It would be unconscionable for the IMF to allocate more funds to a regime so riddled with endemic corruption that the almost $1 billion that IMF, World Bank & other international donors allocated to Uganda in 2020 for Covid relief was either embezzled or misdirected towards military suppression of opposition political party supporters.
Some covid funds were channeled to Foreign Minister Sam Kutesa’s two daughters’ company which was awarded a contract to deliver Oxygen to Uganda’s hospitals, but failed to do so. https://pearltimes.co.ug/first-son-kainerugabas-wife-charlotte-another-minister-kutesa-daughter-on-spot-over-inflated-covid19-oxygen-plants-contract-sum-delays/
Meanwhile, Ugandans died (in 2020) and continue to die (June 2021) of Covid-19 due to lack of oxygen in hospitals. https://www.monitor.co.ug/uganda/news/national/investigation-how-lack-of-oxygen-poor-health-sector-is-killing-covid-19-patients-in-uganda-3213300
Foreign Minister Sam Kutesa has himself been implicated in various corruption scandals in Uganda. And, in 2018, he was indicted in New York for accepting a bribe from a Chinese businessman in exchange for facilitating Chinese investment interests in Uganda. https://observer.ug/news/headlines/68019-us-court-upholds-minister-sam-kutesa-briber-conviction
As this letter to Senator Coons from the New York Bar Association indicates, World Bank Covid relief money to Uganda was also misappropriated: 2020812-UgandaWorldBank.pdf
New York Review of Books article on how Covid relief funds were likely redirected towards military suppression, including during the November 18, 2020, protests: In Uganda, Another Museveni Crackdown | by Helen Epstein | The New York Review of Books (nybooks.com)
More Press stories on Covid-19 related Corruption in Uganda https://medium.com/u4-anti-corruption-resource-centre/ugandas-covid-19-supplementary-budget-pandemic-response-or-cash-bonanza-3296d8f338b6 https://www.independent.co.ug/covid-19-exposes-true-cost-of-corruption/ https://www.monitor.co.ug/uganda/news/national/prosecute-thieves-of-covid-19-cash-report-3231244
According to the June 1, 2021, IMF press release 21/152’s FAQ section on the Staff Level Agreement on a three-year $1 billion Financing Package to Uganda:
“The Program’s transparency and governance reforms will build upon the improvements launched by the government’s new leadership code – which requires government officials to disclose their assets, incomes and liabilities, and clarifies sanctions in case of false reporting.”
The “new leadership code’ is a smokescreen. Runaway corruption in Uganda is not due to a lack of a leadership code. Uganda has had a leadership code act since 2002, https://www.ugandalaws.com/principal-legislation/leadership-code-act
but it has had no effect on corruption because corrupt officials are intricately linked to Museveni and his kin. Museveni also fuels corruption by openly bribing members of parliament whenever he wants to pass controversial legislation such as the removal of the age limit clause from the constitution in 2017. https://www.reuters.com/article/us-uganda-politics/ugandan-mps-get-8000-each-for-work-on-extending-presidents-rule-spokesman-idUSKBN1CT1J6
There is no new substantive leadership code. Museveni simply just announced a “leadership-code tribunal.” Experience shows that such announcements are merely stratagems that Museveni uses to appear to be addressing international and domestic calls for action. https://www.mediacentre.go.ug/media/president-museveni-swears-new-leadership-code-tribunal
According to the press release’s FAQ section:
“The [Uganda] Government has already completed the audit of COVID-19 spending for FY 19/20, which is expected to be published in the coming days. Some aggregate procurement reports have already been published and individual procurement contracts will also be published in the next few days.” https://www.imf.org/en/Countries/UGA/uganda-qandas
Question: Why did the International Monetary Fund reach an agreement with the Ugandan regime on the ECF before publication of its audit of Covid-19 spending? And why only FY 19/20? Much of the Covid-19 related fraud transpired in FY 20/21 (1 July 2020 – June 30, 2021)?
The Political and Human Rights situation in Uganda
Beyond financial and economic aspects, the dire political and human rights situation in Uganda is enough reason to hold off on approving the ECF to the Uganda regime which is considered illegitimate by most Ugandans — outside of a tiny business elite and regime beneficiaries. Aware of the population’s sentiments, General Museveni has since the election in January 2021, escalated abductions, torture, and murder of opposition party supporters in a bid to eliminate evidence of his electoral fraud — and to cower the population into not protesting it. On November 18, 2020, during the campaign period, Ugandan security forces shot dead more than 100 citizens protesting the arrest of Presidential candidate, Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu, though the officially acknowledged count is 54 people.
BBC documentary on the November Killings committed by Uganda Security Forces https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=g7d2AvLEPyA
Thousands of political prisoners — including 17 of Honorable Kyagulanyi’s campaign team arrested on December 30, 2020 — are languishing in prisons and ungazetted detention centers. Scores have either been maimed, killed or both. The scale of the abuses is reminiscent of the worst of Idi Amin.
Several international media including The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Economist, The BBC, and The Guardian have in recent months reported the Ugandan regime’s gross human rights abuses.
New York Times https://www.nytimes.com/2021/04/11/world/africa/uganda-election-disappearances-museveni.html
Washington Post https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2021/03/12/uganda-opposition-torture/
BBC https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-56321791
The United Nations, Human Rights Watch, and the US State Department have also published reports detailing the abuses. https://news.un.org/en/story/2021/04/1089642 https://www.hrw.org/news/2021/03/11/uganda-end-enforced-disappearances-opponents https://www.state.gov/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/UGANDA-2020-HUMAN-RIGHTS-REPORT.pdf
In 2016, the Uganda army killed more than 100 people, including women and children in the Kasese region on the orders Museveni. https://www.hrw.org/news/2018/10/10/uganda-no-justice-2016-kasese-massacre-security-forces
And for over two decades, Museveni’s regime committed “a silent genocide” in Northern Uganda under the guise of fighting Joseph Kony: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8boQaql6Ofc
Unfortunately, the abuses are still ongoing as of June 2021: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2021/jun/06/uganda-bobi-wine-yoweri-museveni-hundred-opposition-activist-detained-without-trial-new-wave-repression
Many Ugandans are seeking refuge in Kenya, South Sudan, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and Tanzania.
Uganda has also been implicated in instigating and exacerbating conflicts in neighboring countries such as the Democratic Republic of the Congo, leading to deaths of millions of people. https://www.dw.com/en/ugandas-hidden-role-in-congos-conflict/a-16494434
Given the documented lack of accountability and poor human rights record in Uganda, we humbly request that the International Monetary Fund refrains from approving the pending ECF to the country until the fiscal, political, and human rights situation clears. Continued donor funding gives Museveni license to continue misallocating funds while suppressing and killing Ugandans with impunity. Moreover, the anticipated oil production by Total on which the IMF partly bases its argument for Uganda’s ability to pay back is still being contested by international environmental organizations and by Ugandans concerned about the associated pipeline’s effects on their land, lakes, rivers, and the climate. https://www.stopeacop.net/
In cases of humanitarian aid, international agencies such as USAID, DANIDA and the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (@FCDOGUK) should facilitate Ugandans directly through carefully vetted CSO’s, cultural, and religious institutions — with no ties to the regime.
We are following closely and anxiously await your response on this matter.
In the weekend of 11-13 June the presidents of the G7 countries USA, Canada, UK, France, Germany, Italy & Japan are meeting in Cornwall UK.
Comrades from the UK are going to the venue where the conference is held to protest against the continous financial and military support of dictator Museveni.
In particular we are trying to convince these 7 most important shareholders of the IMF to not give a loan of 1 billion USD that they have planned to do.
The IMF did not do a proper due diligence of the loan; they did not visit Uganda. If they had visited Uganda they could have seen with their own eyes that a Worldbank Covid19-relieve loan of 300M USD that was given last year has not come to the benefit of Ugandans, but the money has gone to security forces.
We have been able to create a formidable lineup of speakers for this event.
Matthias Mpuuga (speaker of the opposition in the Ugandan parliament)
Kakwenza (author of Banana Republic & the Greedy Barbarian, FDC member)
David Lewis (secretary general of NUP) will be interviewed by Milton Allimadi (professor of African studies)
Joel Isabirye (director of Market Intelligence Group). He made the last reliable survey among Ugandans.
On 18, 20 & 22 May the Netherlands are hosting the Eurovision Song Contest. The festival is a celebration of (white) European comradeship. Why else would white colonies like Israel and Australia be participating but other countries not? It’s not co-incidental that all of these countries support the Museveni regime militarily and financially.
France — Teargas
Israel — Guns & training
Russia — Fighter jets
United Kingdom — Training
Netherlands — SUVs & other vehicles
Europe — Money
While the Euroguns countries celebrate their comradeship by having a competition of their musicians, our musicians are in jail, tortured, or under house arrest. Our musician presidential candidate was attacked with a vehicle sponsored by the Dutch government. Although it was reported in the Dutch Volkskrant newspaper, all 150 white Dutch MPs ignored it. Most European governments have congratulated Museveni with rigging elections after he has thrown 1000 of opposition members into jail.
Uganda has been under
dictatorship for 35 years, just like Belarus. However, the Belarus struggle is
reported every week on the news, but Uganda, as most African news, is a
backpage story reported once a year.
There will be hundreds
of journalists reporting on the Song Contest, so this festival is a perfect
location to explain them about the Ugandan catastrophe, sponsored by their
countries.
The song contest is
both an online and offline event, and so is our demonstration. Where people
from nearby Chapters such as Netherlands, Belgium & Germany are present
physically, Ugandans from other parts of the world join online. Especially
through Twitter, we will directly address organisers, journalists &
artists.
Our request to the
organisers: Play a Nubian Li song
Our request to the
journalists & artists: Come to our stand to be informed & tweet about
it.
Our request to the
Western world leaders: Stop funding the Ugandan dictatorship.
My name is Oyeki Gerald. I’m a social movement conceptualist, and a pro-change political activist currently aligned to the National Unity Platform political formation where I’m the Election Management officer in charge of Northern Uganda. I also belonged to the Uganda Young Democrats, a robust socio-political youth formation grounded in Makerere University, and the Acholi Students Movement, a socio-cultural forum of students belonging to the Acholi ethnicity in higher institutions of learning across Uganda where I served as Speaker. I was also a digital Communications Assistant for the Leader of Opposition, Betty Aol Ocan from 2017 to April 2020.
As an Election Management Officer, together with a team, we developed an Election Management infrastructure in the region which include candidate identification, recruitment, and voter civic education, recruitment of polling volunteers, as well as Election Day coordination and supervision to ensure a transparent, free and fair participation in the voting process. I’m also responsible for documenting incidences of human rights violations for further action by law implementing organs and other relevant actors within Northern Uganda.
SCENARIOS a) On Human Rights Violations
On 3rd September, 2020 myself and four other colleague were arrested and detained at Patongo Central Police Station, Agago District PS on charges of ‘unlawful assembly,’ while I had gone to train the candidates for Local Government elections. While there, the Officer in Charge of the Station attempted to grab the red beret off my head while remarking ‘You are the people bringing lugezigezi here,’ to mean ‘you are the people bringing trouble here.’ I wrestled him away with a question, ‘Under what designation are you putting us in- as the Police or as an NRM Mobiliser?’ He backed off and let me be. We were later released on police bond after more than 48 hours in captivity (https://www.facebook.com/oyeki.gerald.7/posts/1273444509668260 )
On 19th September, 2020, while traveling to Lira District from Arua District with three other colleagues for a candidate’s training exercise, a plain clothed operative trailed us from Kamdini trading Centre in Oyam District till Lira. He tried to slow us down from a dark spot at about 7pm. It was raining heavily. Our instincts told us otherwise. We decided to speed up and branch off at a fuel station with light and human presence. The man claimed that we were over speeding and caused a stone to hit his windscreen from our hind tyre. There was clearly no visible crack on his windscreen. We continuously begged for pardon. He spewed several complaints at us, threatening that ‘You are the reasons why the Kanyamunyu’s shoot people dead. They tell you to stop and you refuse to do so,’ despite us explaining to him that there was no way we could have stopped at such a dark spot for our own safe. He wasn’t shy to show off the AK47 that lay at the hind seat of his premio as numbers started building up around the car, prompting him to stand down on his guard and ‘forgive us.’
On Saturday 17th October, 2020 at about 11am, individuals whom we now highly suspect to belong to both the Security space and are allied to the NRM Candidate for Gulu East, Nancy Atimango attacked the NUP regional office and destroyed the banner belonging to H.E Kyagulanyi Ssentamu Robert. They shamelessly tore down all posters belonging to our NUP Candidates within the City and replaced them with those of Tibaharura and Nancy Atimango. A similar event happened in Moroto District campaign materials branded with NUP were torn apart without justification.
On 10th October 2020, I was intercepted together with the Deputy President and some members of the local team as we moved to supervise the readiness of the venue for the Kyagulanyi Campaign. This was by a group of about 30 bamboo wielding military and plain clothed men. While in detention, an officer stated that ‘we are arresting you to save your lives.’ We were charged in court for contravening COVID-19 guidelines and released on bail. We later learnt that the arrest was ordered by the Regional Police Commander, a one Nkore with the intention to sabotage mobilization activity for the Kyagulanyi through the campaign period (https://www.facebook.com/permalink.php?story_fbid=10160404511618012&id=130737598011)
On the morning of 5th November, 2020 the police and military raided the Karamoja Regional National Unity Platform Office, caused havoc and beat up party supporters. They went as far as searching candidates’ homes, and vandalizing any NUP paraphernalia. (https://www.facebook.com/permalink.php?story_fbid=10160382430308012&id=130737598011) Related to this, on the 13th of November, 2020 during his campaign trail, the security ordered that a radio talk show be postponed to a later time than scheduled, a proof of the State’s continued interference of NUP media engagements within the Region (https://www.facebook.com/permalink.php?story_fbid=10160408222838012&id=130737598011)
On 7th December 2020, the National Unity Platform Northern Region Offices in Gulu were attacked and vandalized while colleagues and I were in office at about 11:00am. I was brutalized and my gadgets stolen in the process. We lost several party items in the process. The police remained reluctant to follow up the incidence after the attack (https://www.independent.co.ug/nups-office-in-gulu-attacked/ ).
Two weeks later, on December 26th, 2020, the Lango subregional office was raided by youth whom we later learnt were under the instruction of the National Assembly Deputy Speaker, Jacob Oulanya. They burnt party materials infront of the office, and made away with key party materials like party cards, only to be convened later by Jacob Oulanya whose comments suggested satisfaction with the vandalism (Attack on Bobi Wine’s National Unity Platform – Daily Monitor )
On 10th December, 2020 while Kyagulanyi made way to campaign in the Elegu border town of Amuru District, the police brutality blocked him from proceeding, pelting teargas, bullets and all sorts of brutality onto the procession. A young woman’s leg was shattered and later amputated as an impact of the canisters from the security. This is only one of the incidences caught on camera of NUP leaning supporters bearing the brunt of the security forces in the Acholi subregion. While Kyagulanyi campaigned in Nwoya district, his one of our coordinators there was targeted. His nephew’s left eye was shattered by a teargas canister that was directed at him(https://www.facebook.com/permalink.php?story_fbid=10160484651483012&id=130737598011 ).
Earlier on, one of our coordinators in Nwoya district intimated to me that on the morning of 5th December, 2020, a bullet was planted at the veranda of our district cordinator who is also a local government candidate in the district. This followed several threats from the area GISU warning the district coordinator to defect or face death. Nwoya District is the base of the infamous Gen. Charles Otema Awany, accused of large grabbing and intimidation of government dissidents within Acholi sub region. During the Election period, Gen. Otema was assigned in-charge of the Crime Preventers Unit, a paramilitary outfit not provided for in the Constitution of the Republic of Uganda (Mobilisation, documentation of Reserve Forces in western Uganda kicks off – PML Daily ), (UPDF soldiers shoot four people dead in Nwoya – Daily Monitor )
b)On Polling Irregularities
On 3rd January 2021, I was assigned to Acholi East in the Districts of Pader, Lamwo, Agago and Kitgum for the purpose of vote protection across 770 polling stations.
There were 6000 polling station across the region. We were able to identify agents for majority of the polling stations few days to polling. It was enormous, logistically tiring being a movement that had to rely on donations of well-wishers, no monthly contributors, neither did we have contributions from the Interparty Dialogue. It was all commitment from people. I think we were well able to identify volunteers to execute those tasks. Unfortunately, a few days before polling the long hand of state took course many of our agents were threatened and we were frustrated in distributing polling material.
The state assigned the military to manage the process. It was not an election, this was a military operation from the state. Northern Uganda had the most ruthless of them; General Salim Saleh was stationed in Acholi-west, in Gulu City at the Military Barracks General Gutti, the chairperson of the General Court Martial was stationed in Karamoja. Gutti is responsible for sending most of NUP supporters to Kitalya Minimax prison. There was General Jackson Kayanga for West-Nile and Col. Sam Engola in Lango sub region. Their specific assignment was that vote protection was sabotaged, and that the votes were rigged for General Museveni, but also to ensure that if voting process took place, the voting material would be confiscated, in particular the DoRs for NUP agents.
A number of our technical supervisors in Karamoja were either compromised or detained. That was all under the command of General Gutti. A meeting was held few days to voting at the home of general Gutti, we had an informer that provided this information. First there were instructions that NUP supporters where either detained or shot, however this faced resistance from local NRM parliamentary candidates who said they couldn’t shoot our own people. That’s why there were not that many worrying election violence incidences from Karamoja but there was a lot of rigging. Karamoja had the highest rigging machinery beacuse on pollling day, we didn’t have agents at majority of the polling stations. They were intimidated or being arrested.
For the other sub regions, most rigging was done at the technical level, at the results transmission level. A case in point is Chua West in Kitgum where our registrar reported to me directly that a polling station at Mucwini, he was followed to his home by state agents on voting night, his house was broken into, and the DoR form was taken among other properties of his. The results were rigged at the level of transmission of the district tally center. There was another vote doctoring unit within the state structure that relayed results to the National Electoral Tally Centre. For example the results for Omoro distrit were declared before the collection of DoR forms was complete by Electoral Commission. At the time the results were being counted in Omoro, they were announced at the national tally center. They were predetermined results that were being read.
With respect to our results from Northern-Uganda. Most results were doctored with the intention of covering up for the losses in Buganda/Busoga sub-region by the regime. It’s not by coincident that such errors are uploaded. There’s no way there is a one-side system error, so it was intentional. We do not know exactly how many of our polling agents were rounded up. We do have information some have been killed or have disappeared. Confirming this information has been challenging since many are on the run.
Initially, the state did not appreciate our organizational capacity. On polling day I was supervising 770 in Acholi-East, in districts of Pader, Lamwo, Agago and Kitgum. We had a challenge with Lamwo District where Hillary Onek, a minister within the government intimidated or compromised a significant proportion of our polling agents.
In the course of vote protection through to 15th January, 2021, I kept switching locations because of suspected monitoring by the State. I left Kitgum on the evening of 16th January 2021, with at least 70% of the Presidential DoR Forms, and made way to Kampala to deliver them to the headquarters.
Prior to setting off for Kampala, majority of these forms were snapshot for backup to be uploaded onto the UVote app. I was intercepted on the morning of Sunday 17 January by plain clothed security operatives, abducted, and the forms were confiscated. I suspect that my telecom line was being monitored and that’s how I was intercepted. Earlier on, prior to polling day, another colleague with whom I was supervising the region was arrested a few days before election and he was asked how the transmission of the UVote app worked and where the servers were located. He was released from detention on condition that he would immediately vacate his duty station and never return there.
I was intercepted at about 8:00am with 503 declaration of results (DR) forms for presidential candidate Robert Kyagulanyi Sentamu, a security team of over 30 rounded up my hotel room and bundled me and two other colleagues who were accompanying me into a ‘drone’ van. A drone is the van used for the recent kidnaps and abductions of opposition leaning strategists, tactician and supporters in Uganda. This was a combination of both plain clothed and police uniformed mean looking gun-wielding personnel that confiscated the forms and ordered us into the drone. They claimed that we were operating an illegal tally center. We were driven to a place that I wasn’t familiar with; a unfinished building with a larger number of plain clothed individuals wielding guns. While, there, we were separately interrogated. I was interrogated on the election, the DR Forms and my knowledge of the plan to ‘remove the dictator,’ as most of our campaign had postulated. While in detention, my full identification was captured into the abductors’ database. They kept emphasizing that I must immediately cease what I’m doing and that their eyes are on me.
On the same day, I was transferred to Wandegeya police station at about 4:00pm and temporarily held there. A file was opened up against me (falsification of results, case ref: gef.002/2021), and released at about 9:30pm upon filing the charge against me. I spent the night at the Gaddafi mosque for fear of my life where we were escorted at about 10:15pm.
In the following days, I kept receiving mysterious phone calls without clear caller identification. The callers would sometimes use parody names as though to capture my attention. These similar phone calls have been made prior to the disappearance of a number of colleagues as a mechanism of tracking their exact locations.
For fear of my life, I fled to safety on 31st January, 2021.
Pesacheck is an East-African fact checker organisation. It had already struck me that many of the fact-checks they were doing were totally irrelevant or biased towards the Museveni dictatorship.
For example, they factchecked a tweet with 40 retweets that a voter got tortured for not voting Museveni. Actually, it was a photo from Ghana. Factcheck succeeded.
However, no reference is made to the fact that disappearances and torture happen on a large scale. This has been documented by Al Jazeera. None of the real Ugandan torture stories have been factchecked by Pesacheck. An outsider is left with the impression that in general the stories about torture in Uganda are false.
On 31 March they published the following factcheck:
Obviously it’s a great idea to double check such an important statement. Let’s look at the reasoning provided by Pesacheck.
Basically Pesacheck is saying; the EC is the authority for elections, whatever they say about it is true. Well, this does not meet their own principles 2.1.
I do agree that reputation can be a part of your analysis. However, the Electoral Commission does not have a good reputation at all. Just some examples:
In 2016, the European Union observation mission stated that the EC is not sufficiently independent from the Ugandan government.
The EC chairman spoke out publicly against the National Unity Platform
National Unity Platform and FDC were not able to campaign. Complaints were dismissed.
EC has never investigated the hundreds of polling stations in 2016 and in 2021 that have a 100% voter turnout; where even dead people have voted.
On March 1st the EC published a DoR that is highly suspicious and likely the result of fraud. The EC has never given any further comment.
Interestingly, none of these five items have been the subject of any factcheck by Pesacheck, or are they mentioned anywhere in their analysis.
My conclusion is that the Pesacheck factchecks are a joke. Especially dictator Museveni is having a good laugh.
I am writing to request for the immediate release of my fellow Ugandans that have been falsely detained and imprisoned on fake or no charges. They are grabbed from streets, their businesses or homes. They are then killed or brutally arrested, beaten, kicked and the majority sustaining broken bones, damage to their organs, wounds etc from the torture inflicted by your soldiers (military men).
So many men, women and teenagers are dying whilst in your custody (your prisons, safe-houses and various torture centers). Most of these people have not had a chance to trial, hence abusing their rights to life and freedom.
The girls and women in detention are raped again and again in addition to the cruel beatings and torture they are subjected to by your soldiers. They can barely walk and some are still bleeding as a result of aggressive assault suffered. This inhumane treatment is despicable and disgusting.
The soldiers raping these girls are actively spreading sexually transmitted diseases (STDs). These women need urgent treatment for the STDs that they have contracted from being raped by your men. The unfortunate cases that have contracted HIV technically have been denied chances of getting urgent help making their health problems even worse!
Did you know that HIV can be prevented if these girls/women had access to emergency treatments such as PrEP? These innocent girls/women have no hope for medical checkups, treatment or future. You have sentenced many people to death indirectly!!! And most of them have died in your custody. The girls’ wombs are ruptured, and there is general internal damage to the girls & women from the rape and gruesome torture.
Not only the women suffer but the men too, their manhood (private parts), are completely destroyed due to the torture inflicted on them. Your soldiers squeeze the men’s testicles and at times, beat them with huge sticks or kick them in their manhood.
In general, so much damage has been inflicted on the kidnapped and arrested victims. Missing body parts like fingers, organs or damaged/crushed organs like kidneys etc. have been noted. Also many dead people as well as dismembered bodies are disposed off in various locations around the country. Ugandans have a right to know or be 2 informed when their loved ones are dead. It should not be hidden from the public and the dead people need to be respected as they deserve a right to decent burials.
The rest of Ugandans are treated like criminals on a daily basis, the only free individuals are your relatives, friends and the police plus foreign soldiers you deployed in our country. (Foreign soldiers from Angola, Congo, Rwanda, Sudan, Somalia etc…)
Are Ugandans your enemies? What did we do to you?
Order all your torture centers and prisons to release those innocent people immediately. The country is aware these people have been beaten and tortured so badly. Let them be released so they can go for treatment
Save lives now! Do not keep them trying to heal their wounds in detention before releasing them because you make their health problems even worse.
Stop killing people. If anyone of them have committed a crime, they can be summoned and stand trial prior to sentencing. They should not be tortured or killed. Uganda’s constitution does not even support the death penalty. So who are you to judge, and kill people on the spot without trial? Why?
Immediately stop kidnapping people. Many are taken away in unmarked vehicles.
The internet is off and that is a major problem. Is the internet your property too? Many people have died as a result. You have denied the country access to their mobile money accounts or finances. Money for food, hospital treatment and other necessities cannot be accessed. The internet and social media should be turned back on. Internet is not ‘State Property’, it is the people’s right.
Finally my thoughts on the sham elections.
We as Ugandans have had enough. We are in hiding because we had elections!! What a shame? If you claim you won elections, then go out and celebrate. Why are you killing people? Why do we have to walk on eggshells? Respect our country. If you feel you are not liked, then it is about time you stepped down. It is not a crime if Ugandans want a different leader. Personally I do not think killing, torturing or kidnapping people with a difference in opinion will change anything. You can capture people (bodies) but remember that their minds or souls are not captured. Are you going to kidnap everybody? Or perhaps kill everyone? Stop all the injustices Uganda cannot suffer anymore. No!!! Uganda will respect you more if you stepped down, sooner than later!
As earlier election periods in Uganda, the last months were full on insecurity and state intervention. Delving into the elections where Dr. Kizza Besigye run against Yoweri Museveni in 2001, 2006, 2011, and 2016, showed us that state violence & abuse of judiciary during elections is a common phenomenon in Uganda. In particular, in the 2016 elections, Dr. Kizza Besigye won the popular vote with 52%. But the moment his party, the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) declared their results, their headquarters at Najjanankumbi was raided by the Uganda Police. All computers were confiscated, and all in the tally center arrested. Dr. Kizza Besigye was put under arrest for 90 days, and charged with treason. The day after the elections, the streets of Kampala were silent. The people mourned the death of democracy and faced the harsh reality that they were ruled by the gun. This frustrating experience led to the rise of Bobi Wine.
2016 EU recommendations
After the 2016 elections, the election observer mission from the EU made the following recommendations, of which none were implemented. Furthermore, for the 2021 elections, the EU observers were not invited. The mission from USA was also hindered, who had to abort the mission. The Ugandan government gave a strong signal that it wanted no foreign observation.
Several weeks before the elections, many journalists and observers were expelled from Uganda. From the beginning to the end of the election process, there was no clear distinction between the NRM party, and the state. As recommended by the EU observers in 2016, government should not be used for campaigns, but it would play a crucial role during the campaigns. Remaining journalists would remain mainly confined to Kampala.
Surveys
In preparation of the 2021 elections on January 14, several surveys by Dr. Schoonderwoerd were taken to gain insight in the expected results during voting. In these results, Bobi Wine started to take a lead over Museveni, especially when violence was used by the state during campaigns. With every act of violence against opposition, the popularity of Museveni lowered.
Robert Kyagulanyi receives 63% of the votes with a standard deviation of 5%. The probability of him acquiring more than half of the votes is 97.5% (in scientific terms: the p-value is 0.025, which means it’s scientifically significant). 27.8% of the votes were for Museveni, also with a standard deviation of 5%. 16% of the respondents indicated they would not vote, 11% were undecided and 3% wouldn’t share with us
The survey also asked if Ugandans expected the election to be honest. 58% indicated No, 35% said Yes, the remaining 7% didn’t know. A big majority of Kyagulanyi voters don’t believe in honest elections, but also a small part of the Museveni voters. This is reflected by a small survey on twitter among Ugandans on January 26.
In these surveys of Dr. Schoonderwoerd respondents had the opportunity to answer some other questions.
We asked the respondents how things have changed in 5 years with respect to corruption, health care, education and their personal financial situation. Concerning health care the responses are mixed; 29% think it’s worse, also 29% it’s better. 33% of respondents think that education is worse. In 5 years the personal financial situation of respondents has deteriorated. 63% say it’s worse, only 16% say it’s better.
Dr. Schoonderwoerd concluded with the following analysis:
This survey shows that life in Uganda for our respondents has become more difficult in the last 5 years, and they have seen corruption increasing. Education is also worse. Health care is perceived as the same. Although most do not expect an honest election, a big majority is planning to vote. The biggest wish of the respondents is change, and they expect to find this with their votes on new opposition leader Robert Kyagulanyi (61%). Even many of those voting Museveni (34%) are asking for change. Statistics give a probability of 97.5% to Kyagulanyi having the majority of the votes. The support for Kyagulanyi is consistent among males and females, and those living in urban and rural areas. Most Besigye voters in 2016 are now voting Kyagulanyi. Two thirds of the Museveni voters from 2016 stick to their favorite. But the new voters, in overwhelming majority, vote for Kyagulanyi. If these young voters will show up in the polling stations then the change they are asking for might indeed be realized.
This was reinforced by a different survey conducted by Market Intelligence Group (MIG).
Nomination Day
Although the state has tried to harass the opposition for the last decades, we will limit our time frame to the current election period. This started several days before the nomination day of presidential candidates. NUP had raised funds and signatures for nomination of Members of Parliament, and the presidential candidate Robert Kyagulanyi. NUP had collected 6 million signatures of support for the presidency of Kyagulanyi. NUP had also collected 117 million Uganda shilling to pay for the nomination of candidates throughout the country. Several days before the deadline of for nomination the president, dozens of armed soldiers and police raided the headquarters of NUP and confiscated the signatures, 23 million shillings, and other belongings.
Although NUP directly communicated to its branches to start collecting new signatures to secure nomination, it gave a clear signal of state harassment. On nomination day Kyagulanyi (NUP) and Patrick Oboi Amuriat (FDC) were intimidated, arrested, and manhandled by Uganda Police.
Patrick Oboi Amuriat shoes were taken, which would become a powerful symbol for the barefoot revolution for the villagers. The FDC headquarters was surrounded. “It is disgusting, disappointing, but this was expected by a regime that is shameless, desperate to cling to power,” Amuriat told AFP after being marched by police across the university campus in his socks, his suit askew.
Kyagylanyi was arrested after he had submitting his nomination days, and placed into a van for three hours, while police violently dispersed supporters waiting at the home of Kyagulanyi. In this van, he was tortured. Police sprayed him with tear gas, placed hot metal in his hands, and beat him. His arrest from his police was recorded.
Campaigns
The election campaign were marred with extreme violence. Patrick Oboi Amuriat was arrested 13 times, and taken to court 3 times. 5 Members from his team were arrested 4 times. At December 28, a can of pepper spray was emptied in the face of Amuriat in Tororo district. The election team of Amuriat claims that they were confronted by teargas every day during campaigns.
Kyagulanyi was constantly harassed, and supporters beaten by the Ugandan Police Forces, but also soldiers from the military. These security forces used the excuse of covid-19 to prevent people from gathering
Police blocks movement on 13 November in Moroto.
However, this policy was used only against opposition candidates. Wherever president Museveni went, there was no such harassment. The Electoral Commission remained silent on the issue, signaling that it was not an independent organ, but influenced by the state.
Arrest Bobi Wine
On 18 November, Kyagulanyi was arrested, pepper sprayed, before thrown into a van. Security forces started to shoot live bullets on citizens that protested against the arrest. Local Defense Units (LDU’s) which were deployed in the cities, started shooting at any citizen with NUP symbols. The Uganda Police claimed that 54 citizens were killed, many innocent bystanders. Eye witness count claimed that around 90 citizens were killed.
After the release of Kyagulanyi, campaigns continued, with increasing violence by the state against opposition activists and supporters.
Producer ‘Dan Magic’ assaulted by Police. One of the police officers who protected Kyagulanyi, Kato, was hit by a teargas canister on his head. A supporter on boda motorcycle was knocked over by a Police truck and killedKyanga, the bullets went through the front window, nearly hitting Hon. Zaake and driver.
A grenade was thrown to Kyagulanyi, who started a helmet and bulletproof vest afterwards. In several incidents, Police fired live bullets at the vehicle of Kyagulanyi. https://fb.watch/3nlqLPy9MF/
Constant arrests took place. Norbert Ariho, one of the bodyguards of Kyagylanyi was framed for having thrown the grenade, and arrested. Kavuma Jamshid was also arrested. They were moved to so-called ‘safe houses’, that are torture chambers. Fellow producer Nubian Lee was shot at the head with a teargas canister on 6 December. Hooded, masked and heavily armed counter terrorism officers traveling in police vans UP 7690, UP 7714, UP 7713 kidnapped some team members one by one and driving them off to unknown locations using an Police arrest van [Mobile prison], commonly known as mobile Nalufenya registration number UP 4923. Even amidst all violence by Uganda Police Forces and UPDF, the Dutch government, chair of the Justice, Law, and Order Sector in 2021, donated 50.000 euros to the UPDF. Other donors continued their donor support to the Ugandan regime as well. Several pro-democracy NGOs have had their bank accounts frozen, and their leaders or associates harassed or deported. The judiciary was used to frame democracy and human rights activists as terrorists.
On 11 december, 27 team members of Kyagulanyi were arrested, while journalists were beaten. The team was prevented to access a hotel, and had to spend the night on the roadside in or around their cars.
On 14 December, presidential candidates were demanded to come to Kampala to meet with the chair of the Electoral Commission Mr. Byabakama over covid-19 restrictions. This was a method to disrupt the busy campaign schedules. On 15 December, a chemical weapon was used against supporters.
Picture of the weapon that used a chemical substance on 15 DecemberOn 18 december, two supporters were attacked by a police officer with his bayonet, who also shot live rounds at the vehicle of Kyagulangi, damaging the car. 22 December human rights lawyer Nicholas Opiyo was arrested, together with 3 other lawyers: Dakasi Herbert, Odur Anthony, Esomu Obure.A supporter and mother, Nakimanya Hellen commonly known as Aunt Kaduuka was violently arrested after using social media to expose the violence. Auntie Kaduuka became one of the hundreds of people put in jail without being produced in court. This man, Keke Birali aka Blaze from the Counter Terrorism Police. Many of them have been covering their heads with dark hoods to hide their identities. Journalist in Busoga Region, beaten by Police.on 27 December, Kasirye Ashraf was shot in the head by security forces27 December. The police offer that shot at Ashraf. on 27 December, Mr Francis Senteza Kalibala also known as Frank was killed. Francis was run over by a military police patrol truck Number H4DF 2382
On 1st of Januari, 20 members of the team were arrested and detained at military barracks in Masaka. Over 40 other members were in detention at Kalangala. Information was transferred from prison that these members were tortured.
The dictatorship arraigned 48 campaign team members (including Nubian Lee, Eddie Mutwe, Dan Magic, Bobi Young, etc) before the General Court Martial at Makindye and charged them with illegal possession of ammunition. Lawyers and family members of the comrades were all denied access to the court. The judiciary was used in state interests.
7 Januari, the new campaign team was arrestedThe same tactics was being used by the state as happened to Kyagulany in 2018, where he was charged by pocession of illegal firearms. This proved to be false, but it is a common tactic of providing legal claims for the arrest of opposition members.
12 January. Joint Press Conference
On 12 January, several presidential candidates and Dr. Kizza Besigye come together to have a joint press conference, denouncing the violence used by the state, and their united action in case of rigged elections.
12 January, at around 2am, a group of security operatives wearing army uniform and some in plain clothes raided the home of Lule David. According to his neighbors and other witnesses, these security operatives who traveled in two drones; fired live bullets in the air before dragging him out of his house. They say he was beaten mercilessly and taken to an unknown place. Reports of raids on many other homes of NUP supporters were reported. The raids were conducted by state operatives who are using several security agencies. 12 January. Elijah Mukiibi Kaate, a 24 year old who worked in Kiseka market as a mechanic. Elijah was shot in the stomach and today morning, and died. Hundreds of NUP supporters, such as Lule David Bwanika in Magere was raided by soldiers on the night 12th of January, who beat him before they bundled him in a drone van they came with and took him away. Many supporters and members were been abducted by soldiers, placed in torture chamber or safe houses, or even killed.
13 January. Internet Shutdown
Several days before the election, the internet was shut down to prevent the world from being able to see what was going on. International observer missions from EU and USA were cancelled due to blocking of the Ugandan government. Most journalists were in central Uganda, were it was relatively calm. In Western and Northern Uganda, however, massive force and rigging was used. Embassies were given state VPN, who blocked them completely from any information other than the one from the Ugandan government.
14 January. Election Day
Kyagulanyi votes on 14 January, and is directly put under house arrest. Soldiers in UDPF uniforms climbed over the gate of his house, and camped in his garden. Kyagulanyi, his wife, and a 18 month old baby were unable to collect any food. Hon. Zaake was brutally beaten when he tried to visit Kyagylanyi, and had to be transferred to a hospital. Kagimu Umar Jim, On 16 January, armed men moving in a minibus (drone) vehicle with concealed private number plates raided his working place at Nasser Road. They suspected him of having some DR Forms. They violently arrested him. His family says he is being held at Mbuya military barracks. Kagimu becomes the fifth person targeted by the regime over DR Forms. To date, over 8000 copies have been confiscated by security operatives from leaders and agents. Having lost the election resoundingly, Museveni is trying to kill all the evidence.Francis Zaake, Member of Parliament: On the morning of of 16th of January, I received a call from our president H.E . Kyagulanyi Ssentamu Robert notifying me of a presser he had organised for all NUP MP-elects later that day. Upon my arrival at the first roadblock staged before the ‘Freedom Drive’ signpost near my President’s home in Magere, I encountered several members of local and foreign press. Some MPs too had already arrived.
I had a press briefing with the press crew who briefly interviewed me about the political persecution I’ve faced on several occasions. After interview, I sought clearance at the roadblock to access my President’s home but the officers referred me to their overall commander whom they said was ahead. They removed their barricades and I proceeded towards his home, where I encountered another roadblock I hadn’t been told about. I was informed from this roadblock that I wouldn’t proceed to my President’s residence under any circumstances without clearance from the overall commander. The junior officers informed me that their commander was a few metres close to my President’s gate and therefore I should individually reach out to him to seek access to his home. I proceeded to the final check point to have a word with the commander. I politely requested for passage into his home. He refused and ordered me to make a U-turn to go back where I was coming from. I told him that detaining my President at home without any charges was illegal, and then turned to walk back to my vehicle. No sooner had I turned my back to head back into my vehicle than the commander pushed my head and I fell down on my walking clutch. He grabbed the clutch and started hitting me with the clutch till it split in half.
The commander then ordered his men to carry me shoulder high, and then dump me on the ground. Meanwhile, my driver was covering the incident from a distance using his mobile phone camera. They charged at him, confiscated his phone and thumped him mercilessly till he fled back into the vehicle. They then bundled me under the tyres of my vehicle and in the process my sunglasses shattered. They kept grilling me to explain what exactly Bobi Wine and NUP were planning. “What are you doing here? This is not Mityana. You think this country belongs to you?,” the commander barked.
I kept wailing and calling out for help but no body could come to my rescue. Later, the mobile police patrol car arrived and I was bundled in. My suitcoat had been torn in the process so they removed it together with my shirt and me and left my chest exposed. They then threw my broken sunglasses and clutch away, and then whisked me away at breakneck speed.
I was driven to Kasangati Police Station where they confiscated all my belongings before putting me in a cell. They took my watch, cash worth UGX 1.7m, my belt, and then ordered suspects I had found in the cell to tie me up but the suspects declined. Angered by the defiance of the suspects, the police officers instituted more beatings on me. They hit my knuckles, ankles, elbows, shoulders, and my neck. One of them dug his nails into my face and left me scarred around the forehead and my eyes. When they were done with the battering, they started dragging me to leave the cells upon realising that my health had deteriorated. Operatives from SIU Kireka where I was tortured from last year including Musa Walugembe and Hamudan Twesigye were present at the scene. They ordered me to leave their cells saying that they had informed my wife and that she was already on her way to collect me. “We’ve talked to Bridget and we have the ambulance ready. We can drive you to the hospital of your choice or at home,” they said. They then handed back some of my belongings they had confiscated and then bundled me into their ambulance. It was around then that our Spokesperson Hon. Joel Ssenyonyi arrived. I had left him at the police road block. On his arrival, the police goons rushed me to Rubaga hospital and dumped me there without even saying anything to the hospital management.
Subsequent medical examination revealed that I had sustained injuries around my eyes and face. My neck bone was injured, and I had sustained abdominal muscular strains that todate have affected my walking and standing abilities. I cannot sit or stand on my own. My limb joints too were weakened and can’t ably support my locomotion. The knuckles, ankles and fingers still hurt. Up to now I’m still languishing in agony but I’m steadily recuperating and I believe in a few days I’ll be discharged. Doctors have now advised me to take rest and go for further medical management so that I can fully recover.
I’m however puzzled by the police remarks that whatever I faced was self inflicted. This is a consistent narrative they’ve sustained right from the first time they tortured me in their custody to evade accountability.
16 Januari, a baby and mother are killed by security forces. The baby was shot in the neck.
Election Fraud
Museveni received 100% at 348 polling stations, and 95-99% at hundreds other polling stations across the country. According to the Electoral Commission, all registered voters at those polling stations turned up- no one died, was sick, travelled or just didn’t vote. No ballot was invalid at polling stations in rural areas of Isingiro and Kazo, yet there were invalid votes at polling stations in urban places including Kampala.
Many videos were shared recording ballot stuffing
As the internet was switched off, NUP agents were put under arrest and the military deployed everywhere, security forces rigged with impunity
This was recorded in Butembe county, Jinja District. The military took positions and was ordering people to vote for Museveni. This happened in many rural areas. There are several others who were caught recording videos and were immediately ordered to delete the videos, their phones were confiscated and thrown away.
These videos were recorded in Kisoro. Security operatives came to polling stations and took away the ballot papers and ticked all of them in favor of Museveni. On returning them, the voters were told that all ballot papers had been ticked and there was no longer opportunity to vote for the president. Our agents complained and they were immediately arrested. With all this rigging, he could only muster 58%. It is clear that Museveni could not even get 20% in a free and fair election.
Kisoro. In this video, the presiding officer was reporting to her supervisor how security operatives took away all ballot papers and ticked them. People who recorded these videos were doing so in fear because of the potential repercussions if they were seen recording. All security operatives who participated in this fraud and those who gave them the orders are an embarrassment to this nation. Regime operatives have been moving in different villages looking for our polling agents and asking them to fill new DR forms.
People were ordered to vote in presence of everyone, such as military. At several polling stations, the military raided polling stations, chased everyone away and stuffed ballot papers at will. At other stations in Isingiro and other districts, people reached polling stations only to be told that they could only vote for MPs as the president had already been voted for. Many witnesses are willing to come out, others recorded these on video although for many, attempting to record attracted severe beatings and torture.
After the elections, many arrests were (and are still being) made by so called ‘drones’. These are specific vans that are positioned throughout cities, and are known to monitor and arrest citizens that are in support of opposition. What follows, is a collection of missing persons in the past days.
29 Januari. Kakooza Mozes, Sub County Coordinator for Renewed Uganda is arrested in in Wobulenzi, Luweero District.
1 February. Many Ugandans are still missing. Their families cry out for help on social media. 1 February. My Husband, Byansi Daniel Bright, is someone who loves Uganda. He is a supporter of change. He was arrested on Wednesday night by persons in plainclothes who identified themselves as CMI operatives. I have not see. Him since then. His phones are off. He was abducted from Nansana, Wakiso District but we are residents of Magere village, Wakiso District. He was driven away in an Ipsum private registration UAM 612N. His detention is unlawful. While he participated in elections, he did everything under the laws that govern Uganda. He has been providing everything for me and his entire family . I need a lawyer but end when I get a lawyer, I cannot afford to pay them. Supporters of change, comrades and all Ugandans, my husband, Daniel Bright Byansi needs your support. 1 February1 February1 February. 49 campaign team members of Kyagulanyi are brought before military court. Kazo Angola is unable to walk.
Conclusion
The 2021 elections of 14 January in Uganda, were the most rigged election in the history of the country. During campaigns the state used both security forces as the judiciary to disrupt the campaigns of opposition. More than 100 citizens died because of state violence, hundreds are under arrest or missing, feared to be in safe houses that are known to be torture chambers. Presidential candidates were arrested, pepper sprayed, and shot at with live bullets, grenades, and tear gas. There is one instance that chemicals were used against supporters, while supporters were also stabbed with a bayonet by a police officer. Intense state violence was used against the population, and there are hundreds of incidents of election fraud, where pre-ticket ballots for Museveni were used, or voters had to fill in their choice under the watchful eye of armed soldiers.
Election observer mission were actively shunned, while the internet shut down prevented the world to witness the violence in Western and Northern Uganda. None of the recommendations of the EU election observer mission were followed. It is clear that the Ugandan government is functioning as a dictatorship.
NUP had expected this violence and election fraud, that is why the project UVote was started, to collect and protect the real votes of the people. Results can be found on: https://uvote-uganda.com/. This results reinforce the earlier surveys. Not Museveni won the 14 January elections, but Robert Kyagulanyi. Museveni is using the full capacity of the state to hide this election fraud. It is important that all donors denounce the election results, and stop sending donor funding to the government. It is clear that the Ugandan government is no longer a legitimate received of donor support, in particular, its Police, Army, and Judiciary.
However, most mainstream media reported that the Ugandan elections were relatively peaceful, and that Museveni had won the elections. They are maintaining the narrative of the Ugandan dictatorship. Donor embassies have maintained their ‘cordial’ relationships with the Ugandan government. In response, protests have erupted all over the world. Protest occurred in the United States, Netherlands, Denmark, Canada, Switzerland, Kenya, Malawi, Australia, Belgium, Germany, Ghana, Israel, Sweden, and are likely to continue until the will of the Ugandan people is acknowledged.
Hundreds of Ugandans wearing people power shirts of red berets are arrested by the Uganda Police. Note the licence plate on the Police van that is hidden.
On 16 January the Electoral Commission announced the results that president Museveni has requested for. In this blogpost we will be explaining how they rigged the election.
As a scientist I request that the reader asks him or herself a number of questions.
Why would the Ugandan government shutdown the internet if it wants to organize transparent elections?
Why were voters chased away from polling stations if the government is confident they have the majority?
Why were agents from NUP & other parties chased away?
Why were agents hunted down, tortured and their copies of DORs destroyed?
Why weren’t opposition parties allowed to campaign?
Why weren’t opposition parties allowed access to radio & TV?
Why were so many journalists & election experts expelled from the country?
Why did the military & police had to intimidate their own people on a day that is supposed to be the celebration of democracy?
Why weren’t observers from European Union not invited like in 2016?
Why is Electoral Commission announcing the president to be the winner without providing a breakdown of how they got to that result?
There are many, many more questions to ask yourself, but a very important one is:
Which country in the world has voted for 35 years for the same person to be president, given that the country is one of the poorest of Africa?
Starting with the last question; there is simply no democratic country in the world that voted for 35 years for the same president, even if it’s a rich country. According to Freedom House, an organisation that rates countries across the globe for amount of Freedom, Uganda scores 34/100; it is qualified as “Not free”.
Another fundamental question:
Why is Ugandan government organising elections at all?
Uganda doesn’t organise elections because Museveni believes in democratic elections. Museveni came to power through a war after he had lost elections. The book “How to rig an election” by Nic Cheeseman explains a lot of reasons why dictatorships organise elections. One is justification. Using elections they can justify their power.
When you are popular, then having elections does not cause any problems. But Museveni has lost a lot of support of Ugandans in recent years. And with the rise of Bobi Wine they found a favorite candidate of their own generation. Talking to Ugandans it was clear to me that Kyagulanyi had a lot of support; I rarely encountered a Museveni supporter. But as a scientist I know the danger of bias… [still typing]
